This is one of a series of articles in which representatives of the main parties make their pitch for the Catholic vote.
In an ideal world, there would be a simple choice for Catholics at general elections. A party would present itself which married economic justice and social tradition. It would be committed to human flourishing, promising a politics of the common good and individual conscience. There would be a guarantee of a level playing field for all, with excessive wealth and power kept in check.
This party would have encouraging things to say about the role of the family and the importance of respecting the dignity of human life from conception to natural death. It would be passionate about international development, environmental stewardship and seeking peace in the troubled corners of the world.
Alas, Catholics have no such luxury. We are presented with an imperfect choice. There are good people across British politics and positive aspects in all their manifestos. Ultimately, however, the British system requires our parties to be agglomerations of opinion, appealing to the largest cross-section of the electorate. They are guaranteed to disappoint the pure of heart.
While you may be lucky enough to be represented by someone committed to Catholic teaching, the chances are you will find yourself having to decide if you are one of the “values voters” common in America, for whom the personal views of the candidate are paramount, or whether to vote on the basis of a party’s policies and broad direction of travel.
For most British Catholics, this dilemma has seen them opt for the latter. The British Religion in Numbers (Brin) programme at the University of Manchester shows that Catholics consistently support Labour in overwhelming numbers. This peaked at the 2001 general election, with three-fifths voting for Tony Blair. Even at the last election in 2015, 41 per cent of Catholics backed Labour, although Ed Miliband won just 30 per cent of the popular vote.
In 2005, pollsters IpsosMori found that while fewer than a quarter of the public generally describe themselves as “Old Labour”, more than a third of Catholics said that best described their political outlook.
The Conservatives undoubtedly did themselves immense harm during the 1980s with their relentless focus on individual fulfilment, summed up in Mrs Thatcher’s infamous remark that there was “no such thing as society”. However, the Brin research shows Catholics were backing Labour in large numbers long before the advent of Thatcherism. Gradually, however, the Labour coalition of the industrial working class and middle-class urban liberals has tilted to the latter’s advantage. And the more it embraces identity politics – pleasing individual social groups – the less attractive the party may become to Catholic voters.
The current Labour manifesto carries a classic example. Abortion is currently prohibited in Northern Ireland and there is a genuine consensus across the political and religious divides in keeping it that way. Yet Labour pledges to “work with the Assembly to extend that right to women in Northern Ireland”. This is a sop to “pro-choice” campaigners – but a half-hearted one. It implies that the Northern Ireland Assembly has a veto over any change, thus rendering the commitment little more than an empty gesture.
But if Labour is wobbly on the social traditionalist front, what about the other parties? The Church of England was once described as “the Tory party at prayer” – and Anglicans still overwhelming back the Conservatives – but David Cameron memorably likened his own faith to radio reception in the Chilterns (“it comes and goes”). And although he was fond of making occasional claims that Britain was a Christian country, it always felt perfunctory.
Vicar’s daughter Theresa May attended a convent school and has been described by Michael Gove as in effect our first Catholic Prime Minister in terms of her outlook, but it’s too early to tell if she really means it. After all, when he became prime minster, John Major promised a country “at ease with itself” before slipping back into Thatcherite orthodoxy.
Liberal Democrat leader Tim Farron, an Evangelical Christian, has seemingly spent much of his election campaign responding to criticism about his previously stated opposition to abortion and reservations about same-sex marriage. In both instances, he felt compelled to recant after squalls of criticism.
Meanwhile, Ukip’s Paul Nuttall is a public supporter of Spuc, although his pro-life credentials are somewhat undermined by his commitment to personally serve the nation as the chief executioner of paedophiles and traitors.
In short, none of our parties is fully committed to Catholic social teaching. The choice of who we vote for is one for each of us to make, based on our individual consciences and no one party can, or should, have a monopoly on the faithful.
However, many will be attracted to Jeremy Corbyn’s more overt belief in equality and long record as a peace campaigner. Creditably, he eschews the platitudes of professional politics and I would expect and entreat Catholics to do as they have done in the past and support Labour in large numbers.
By all means, have reservations on individual issues and press candidates accordingly. But the party’s enduring belief in limiting the harshest effects of the free market on the vulnerable through the redistribution of wealth and better-funded public services – more so than the Conservatives are ever willing to countenance – means that, for me, Labour remains the best choice for Catholics.
Kevin Meagher is associate editor of the political blog Labour Uncut
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